Tinubu Is Reforming Everything at Once — But Are Nigerians Actually Feeling It?

In a single week, Abuja moved on oil revenues, Chinese data, American troops, and a broken health system. The question is not whether the reforms exist — it is whether they land where people live.
Tinubu reforms Nigeria – Tinubu’s Reforms Span Oil, Data, Security, Health Tinubu reforms Nigeria – Tinubu’s Reforms Span Oil, Data, Security, Health
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu addresses reforms affecting oil revenue, security, data protection, and healthcare.

In one extraordinary week, the federal government of Nigeria signed a sweeping executive order on oil revenues, opened a data-protection probe into a Chinese e-commerce giant used by millions of Nigerians, confirmed the arrival of a second wave of American troops in the north-west, and continued to manage a health sector that its own doctors describe as the most fragile in living memory.

Four fronts. Seven days. One administration.

For policy analysts in Abuja, this kind of week is a signal of ambition. For the market woman in Kano who cannot afford her child’s hospital bill, for the farmer in Zamfara whose village is still not safe, for the Lagos graduate whose personal data sits on a server somewhere in China, and for every state governor watching the Federation Account like a hawk each month, the only question that matters is a simpler one: is any of this actually changing my life?

Advertisement

The Oil Money That Was Never Reaching the Account

Start with the money, because the money connects everything.

President Bola Tinubu signed an executive order that financial analysts are already calling the most consequential restructuring of Nigeria’s resource revenues in years. The directive is deceptively simple: all oil and gas revenues owed to the federal government must now be paid directly into the Federation Account, with no deductions, no retention, and no quiet self-funding by agencies that had spent decades operating outside full public scrutiny.

Under the Petroleum Industry Act, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation had been retaining 30 percent of oil and gas profits for frontier exploration, another 30 percent of sales as operational costs, and 30 percent of proceeds from Production Sharing Contracts. That is before factoring in what the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission and the Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority were each collecting and holding separately.

The Presidency was blunt in its assessment. “The deductions enabled under existing law had sharply reduced net oil inflows and contributed to fiscal strain across federal, state, and local governments,” it said in a statement.

To understand why this matters, you have to understand what the Federation Account actually is. It is the shared national pot from which every state government, every local council, and every federal ministry draws its monthly allocation. Every naira that did not enter that account for the past several years is a naira that never built a road, never paid a teacher, and never stocked a primary health centre with drugs. The structural drain was not an accident. It was policy, enshrined in law, and it quietly starved the public purse for years.

The president has ordered a review of the Petroleum Industry Act and established an implementation committee. Whether the additional inflows translate into visible services or simply disappear into new channels of fiscal opacity is the question that every Nigerian, particularly in revenue-dependent northern states like Adamawa, Katsina, and Borno, is waiting to have answered.

Your Phone, Your Data, and a Chinese App That Knows Too Much

The second story of the week is smaller in scale but enormous in implication, because it touches the one thing that virtually every Nigerian now carries: a smartphone.

The Nigeria Data Protection Commission opened a formal investigation into Temu, the Chinese-owned e-commerce platform that processes the personal data of approximately 12.7 million Nigerians. NDPC Director-General Vincent Olatunji cited concerns about online surveillance, opaque data-handling, cross-border data transfers, and violations of data-minimization principles; the rule that a platform should collect only the information it strictly needs to serve you.

Temu is owned by Nasdaq-listed PDD Holdings and serves around 70 million users globally per day. Its model, built around steep discounts on fashion, electronics, and household goods, has attracted an enormous and fast-growing Nigerian user base, most of whom have never read its data policy and would not know what it said if they did.

The company responded with measured corporate language. “At Temu, protecting user privacy and data security is a top priority. We are committed to complying with applicable laws and regulations in our data practices. We will continue to engage in open and constructive dialogue with the NDPC to address any questions or concerns,” a company spokesperson said.

The NDPC’s track record gives this investigation real weight. In 2024, it fined Multichoice Nigeria ₦766 million for data breaches. Temu involves more than ten times the number of affected users. A finding against the platform would set a landmark precedent for how Nigeria regulates foreign digital companies, and it would send a message to Silicon Valley, Beijing, and every tech firm eyeing Africa’s largest consumer market: Nigeria is watching what you do with its people’s data.

For ordinary Nigerians, this is not an abstract regulatory story. Their phones are now their banks, their shops, their medical records, and their social lives. When a platform hoovers up that data and transfers it across borders to destinations unknown, the exposure is real and personal.

American Troops, Insurgency, and Questions Without Answers

The third story sits in a different register entirely, one of guns, insurgents, and the very fragile boundary between foreign assistance and foreign entanglement.

A second wave of approximately 100 United States military personnel arrived in Nigeria as part of an expanding American effort to combat Islamist insurgents in the north-west. Nigeria’s Defence Headquarters confirmed the deployment through spokesperson Major General Samaila Uba, stressing that the troops would train and advise Nigerian forces and would not engage in direct combat operations.

This follows U.S. airstrikes against Islamic State-linked militants in December and an earlier deployment focused on strengthening Nigeria’s intelligence capabilities. Flight-tracking data confirmed aircraft carrying American troops and equipment to northern Nigerian states in recent days. Nigeria’s military previously indicated it expected approximately 200 additional U.S. troops in total, meaning further arrivals are anticipated.

The diplomatic subtext is uncomfortable. U.S. President Donald Trump has publicly accused Nigeria of failing to protect its Christian citizens from Islamist violence, a charge Abuja rejects completely. Nigeria’s government maintains that its security forces target armed groups that attack both Christians and Muslims, and that no religious community faces systematic persecution.

Presidential spokesperson Sunday Dare acknowledged that Nigeria needed “massive support from the U.S. government” in terms of fighter jets and munitions, while declining to provide specific numbers or a timeline.

For communities in the north-west that have endured years of kidnappings, village raids, and displacement, government statements have not always mapped onto lived experience. They are not searching for news about this deployment out of academic curiosity. They want to know whether this time, something is genuinely changing in the fields and forest reserves where armed groups still operate with relative freedom.

The Defence Headquarters did not provide further comment on operational timelines or the scope of the intelligence-sharing arrangement as of press time.

A Health System Held Together With Prayers and Unpaid Allowances

The fourth story is the one that most directly describes a system in danger of collapse, because that is not an exaggeration. It is what the doctors themselves are saying.

Nigeria’s health sector entered 2026 having absorbed a year of compounding shocks. The Trump administration’s announcement of a 92 percent reduction in USAID funding immediately threatened HIV services, immunisation programmes, and community health initiatives previously sustained by PEPFAR and the Global Fund. The cuts exposed a structural vulnerability that policymakers had long preferred not to discuss: Nigeria’s dependence on external donors to fund services that millions of its citizens depend on to survive.

The federal government responded by ring-fencing approximately $200 million in the 2025 budget to cushion the impact and raising the health budget roughly 60 percent to ₦2.48 trillion, representing 5.18 percent of total government expenditure. The same figure has been proposed for 2026.

That sounds significant until you check the benchmark. Nigeria committed to allocating 15 percent of its national budget to health under the 2001 Abuja Declaration. More than two decades later, it is still operating at roughly a third of that pledge.

Amid the underfunding, the numbers that the government cited were not fictional. The National Primary Health Care Development Agency announced that 2,125 primary health centres had been revitalised nationwide by December. Minister Muhammad Pate cited a fourfold increase in PHC utilisation, with more than 80 million patient visits in the first two quarters of the year. A Maternal and Infant Mortality Initiative reported a 17 percent drop in maternal deaths and a 12 percent decrease in newborn deaths across 172 high-burden local government areas.

Progress and crisis occupied the same calendar year. Resident doctors launched a nationwide strike in November over unpaid allowances and training funds. The Joint Health Sector Unions followed with an indefinite action of their own. NARD president Muhammad Suleiman confirmed that approximately 18 months of salary arrears remained unresolved.

Disease outbreaks compounded the pressure throughout 2025: 195 died of Lassa fever; cholera killed 244 and infected more than 10,000; meningitis claimed over 150 lives in the north; and a diphtheria cluster at King’s College Lagos infected 14 students and killed one.

“If we don’t fix this, the brain drain will continue, and citizens will keep suffering,” said Saheed Kehinde, Lagos State Chairman of the Nigerian Medical Association, in a statement that captured the mood of a profession that feels perpetually on the edge of abandonment.

Out-of-pocket spending still accounts for 71 percent of total health expenditure in Nigeria, according to Minister of State for Health Iziaq Salako, pushing millions deeper into poverty each year. The National Health Insurance Authority reported over 20 million Nigerians enrolled, with a target of 44 million by 2030. At current pace and funding levels, the gap between ambition and reality remains enormous.

One Week, Four Reforms, and the Same Unanswered Question

What ties these four stories together is not coincidence. It is the live anxiety of 240 million people watching a country attempt to fix itself at speed, on every front simultaneously, without the institutional capacity, the funding depth, or the public trust that sweeping reform of this kind demands.

The oil revenue order matters because FAAC is the backbone of every state budget in Nigeria, and states like Adamawa, Borno, and Katsina have no fiscal cushion when that backbone is weak. The Temu investigation matters because digital rights are inseparable from economic rights in an economy that is rapidly moving online. The American troop deployment matters because security is the foundation on which everything else is built; no farmer plants, no investor commits, and no community heals in a place that does not feel safe. And the health system matters because a country whose doctors are on strike and whose maternal mortality is still among the highest in the world is not yet winning the most basic argument about what government is for.

Tinubu’s administration is, by its own account, attempting to run all four repairs at once.

The woman selling groundnuts in Kano, the student in Lagos trying to pay his hospital bill, the farmer in Benue watching the price of his inputs climb again, and the civil servant in Adamawa wondering whether this month’s FAAC allocation will be enough: they are all waiting for the same answer. Not the executive order. Not the press statement. Not the implementation committee.

The actual answer. In their lives. On the ground.

That answer is still pending.

Opinion & Commentary

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author, Pheeliyang Miriam James, and do not necessarily reflect the official editorial position of The Gazette News | Latest News In Nigeria & the World. Opinion pieces are published to encourage public debate and the free exchange of ideas. The Gazette News | Latest News In Nigeria & the World is committed to providing a platform for diverse voices while maintaining its editorial independence.

Independent Journalism
Our Independence Is Funded by You — Not Advertisers

The Gazette News | Latest News In Nigeria & the World accepts zero funding from governments, corporations, or political parties. No advertiser dictates our coverage. No political interest shapes our investigations. The journalism you just read exists because readers like you chose to protect it. Every contribution goes directly into the field — paying reporters, protecting sources, and ensuring the stories that matter get told without fear or favour.

34 Investigations
Funded by Readers
319+ Readers Supporting
Us Right Now
100% Independent
Share this story
✓ Link copied!
Add a Comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Keep Up to Date with the Most Important News

By pressing the Subscribe button, you confirm that you have read and are agreeing to our Privacy Policy and Terms of Use
Advertisement